"President
Obama is shaped neither by the experience of the Cold War that once acted as a
binding factor, nor by any transatlantic ideology. As far as partnerships are
concerned, he thinks globally and assesses them based on whether they benefit
America."
In the U.S., there's Obama,
in the E.U., there's the Lisbon
Treaty. That ought to be a good omen for transatlantic relations, but the
opposite is the case.
Next month, Chancellor Angela
Merkel will use her participation at the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington
to demonstrate on American soil, that Germany is a loyal transatlantic partner.
This is a more urgent undertaking than many in Berlin believe. For in the United
States, in light of the challenges facing the country, there are growing doubts
about whether the European allies are still generally reliable partners -
Germany included.
U.S. Defense Secretary Gates recently aired
this impatience: "Large swaths
of the general public and political class are averse to military force and the
risks that go with it - has gone from a blessing in the 20th century to an
impediment to achieving real security and lasting peace in the 21st."
But beyond the question of military
support, many Americans see the E.U. as a self-oriented union, with member states
concealing their displeasure behind an inability to act.
Admittedly, Europe likes to
present itself as an important international player, but its states rarely
manage to act convincingly in unison. The Lisbon Treaty hasn't changed this in
the slightest. Every one of the 27 E.U. member states acts as if it can set
foreign policy independently, and each - including Germany - comforts itself in
the illusion that it has a unique relationship with the United States.
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by WORLDMEETS.US
Paradoxically, that may have
sufficed in the Washington of George W. Bush, who wanted to win back the
goodwill and support of his European partners after the failure of his international
adventures. Back then, transatlantic sweet talk on the part of Europeans still
came across fairly well, and as Merkel learned last November, still counted
enough to be honored by Congress with standing ovations. But a workable
foundation for a transatlantic partnership didn’t arise from this.
It's true: in a globalized
world, effective partnerships are all the more important. But they're held
together not by nostalgia for the past, but by the benefits they offer today.
President Obama is shaped neither by the experience of the Cold War that once
acted as a binding factor, nor by any transatlantic ideology. As far as partnerships
are concerned, he thinks globally and assesses them based on whether they benefit
America.
European statesman who merely
invoke communal values will, perhaps, be rewarded with U.S. ovations - but not
respect. For that reason, those who are now preparing for Merkel's trip to
America ought to take seriously the advice of a recent study issued by the European
Council on Foreign Relations. Issued to E.U. governments with the
provisional title, Toward a Post-American Europe. It says: "Up to
now, E.U. States have been unable to shake off the attitudes, behaviors and
strategies that developed during the decades of American hegemony. The U.S. is
rapidly losing interest in this Europe.”
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For Europe to retain this interest,
it must not only half-heartedly back American plans as before, but develop its
own common position on important international issues - and be ready to bear
the financial burden. Therefore, something approaching a commitment from Germany's
leadership is expected - and not only by the United States.
Up to know, though, the
Chancellor has disappointed such expectations. In doing so she has increased
American impatience with Europe. Given the transatlantic tradition, she should
take into account during her upcoming visit that she's only paving the way for
further estrangement. And she mustn't forget that Germany and Europe have a
greater need for respect as a partner of America, than as a partner without it.
