
Gazeta Wyborcza, Poland
Polish Security Must Be
Assured Before We Accept
U.S. Missile Interceptors
"The
compensation should be calculated not in billions of dollars, but in
providing Poland with the same standard of security that we had before the
base's installation, no matter how much it will cost the United States …
Washington must also understand that if our expectations are not met and Warsaw
resists caving into pressure coming from Washington and from America's friends
in Poland and decides against locating such a base in our country, this will
not mean a retreat from its close alliance with the United States.'"
By Roman Kuźniar

Translated By Halszka
Czarnocka
January 29, 2008
Poland - Gazeta
Wyborcza - Original Article (Polish)
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Poland's Prime Minister Donald Tusk: In exchange for
hosting 10 U.S. intercepter missiles, Poland wants substantial
improvements in its air defenses.
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Poland is in the middle of difficult
negotiations about its possible role in the American ballistic missile defense
program WATCH
. And just when our government
faces the difficult task of rationalizing Poland's position, a growing wave of
criticism has arisen to try and hurry things up and take the government to task
over its conduct.
Critics
of the government write, "By defying Washington, we risk our alliance with
America, and in any case, what counts in this alliance are values - not arms
deals." The idea that we may be, "dragging our heels" or
"playing for time," until a change in administration in Washington is
being met with severe condemnation.
Such
voices come perhaps as a surprise, but not overly so. Accommodating the
interests of other powers is not new to Polish culture or political thought.
But this time we shouldn't succumb to doing so, since criticism
notwithstanding, we're dealing here with Poland's basic security interests.
As is
necessary, Prime Minister Donald Tusk's government opted to rationalize of our
approach to the missile shield because up to now, Polish policy has been
entirely emotional, i.e. based on traditional Polish feelings for the United
States. Those feelings in the case of the U.S. have a very sound basis, but as
Oscar Wilde once said, "When in love, don't close your eyes."
Saying
yes to the shield has enormous strategic implications for our country,
which is often blissfully ignored by our own enthusiasts for the project.
First,
the negotiations under way are not in any way caused by threats to our own
security. There are no security issues to call for our participation in the
U.S. missile shield program.
Moreover,
according to many trustworthy analysts and observers, there is no such threat
to the U.S. either. Such well-known figures as historians Norman Davies or
Niall Ferguson even see the missile shield as proof of the irrationality of the
Bush Administration's security policy.
Wolfgang
Panofsky, a long-time presidential advisor on nuclear policy, recently wrote in
Foreign Affairs what I have
maintained from the very beginning: that the program is a consequence of
America's technological and financial potential, and not a response to a
realistic threat.
In this
case, our ally America is not in danger, as some say, but with our
participation is simply treating itself to a luxury. And we have entered into
these negotiations because of our desire to maintain close relations with the
U.S., not because we were afraid of Iran or anyone else.
Second,
our own national security is the absolute limit of compromise in these matters.
The government is right in its assessment that the installation of a missile
shield base in Poland will negatively impact our security. And that's why it is
pressing - not to get something in return as the critics charge, but for duly
balancing the equation. Both sides should gain in security, not just the U.S. -
and to our detriment. The compensation should be calculated not in billions of
dollars, but in supplying Poland with the same standard of security that
we had before the base's installation, no matter how much it will cost the
United States. In any case, the profit of American firms contracted to build
the shield and which have so actively lobbied for its construction in our
nation will be compensated many times more. The defenders of American interests
in Poland need not concern themselves about that.
Up to
now, Washington seems not to have understood that it's Poland that is gambling
with its national security. Arguments about the alliance of values
aren't serious. It's
unacceptable that the weaker side should be satisfied with values alone, while
the profits - both material ones and those drawn from improved security - are
all on the side of the more powerful partner.
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A woman in Warsaw
protests the deployment of a U.S. missile shield in central Europe - and
against Polish military involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan, in April
2007.
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Third,
we have time. This doesn't have to be a success of this or that administration,
or of this or the other prime minister. The policy must be a success for both
sides; only then will it strengthen the Polish-American alliance. There's no
hurry - and there's no reason to play for time, either. Nothing terrible will
happen if the building of the shield starts in two years instead of next year.
Nothing terrible will happen if negotiations are finalized with a Democratic
administration. That will also be an American administration, just as the Bush
White House is, although such a [Democratic] administration will
probably be more reasonable
and more able to accommodate the expectations of such a close ally as Poland.
Washington
must also understand that if our expectations are not met and Warsaw resists
caving into pressure coming from Washington and from America's friends in
Poland and decides against locating such a base in our country, this will not
mean a retreat from its close alliance with the United States. Poland has good
reason to desire such an alliance, but it can't be the one-way street it has
become over the past few years.
There is
no problem with Poland treating America seriously. But there is a problem
of current American administration treating Poland seriously enough.
Commentators and American experts should understand that relations would be
served better by treating our security concerns seriously, rather than by
demanding that the Polish government make quick concessions to its powerful
ally.
The
public will not forgive those who, for the sake of pleasing one American
administration, risked Polish national interests. In the long term, this would
lead to an erosion of the U.S. alliance and the erosion of Polish trust in such
an alliance.
SEE ALSO:
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NATO, Romania
and Mushroom
Clouds to
Come
http://worldmeets.us/ziarul000001.shtml
CLICK HERE FOR
POLISH VERSION
[WORLDMEETS.US Posted Feb. 5, 9:45am]